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Sex Differences in Response to Visual Sexual Stimuli: A Review




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He just kept doing it and laughing. You weren't allowed to go in there. Officers had to ask him to go in. He came out traumatised: He started to drink heavily. Unlike Young, he didn't report the abuse to the police on his release. Then, inhe was watching television and a report came on about abuse in a care home in Sunderland. Steve says he flipped. He was sitting with his wife, with whom he had never discussed the abuse. I didn't know what had happened. Why had he never been before? There was no possible redress. You only have one life and once it's irreparably damaged, that's it.

The Home Office fought every allegation. At one point, Steve says, a doctor was brought forward in court to claim that Kevin Young was genetically predisposed to being abused. I gave it away," he says. Until he saw the report on television, he had worked in a number of jobs, but he has not been employed since. A quiet, softly spoken man, his eyes dart nervously around the room as we speak. Hall entered the care system aged just three weeks. The son of a prostitute mother and a pimp father, he was briefly placed with foster parents in before being moved from one care home to another. By the time he was 12, Hall had been in 15 homes, and had suffered physical and sexual abuse in several of them.

He was sent to Medomsley just before Christmas Like Steve, he had pleaded guilty to being carried in a stolen car and received three months' detention. On one occasion, Husband was about to rape him when he was interrupted by the arrival of another young inmate, Hall's friend Martin Wasnidge. Wasnidge later mocked Hall about Husband. Shame meant the two boys didn't talk to one another about what was going on. Induring Husband's trial, Wasnidge hanged himself in prison: Hall believes Free pics sex very young boys denial was because Wasnidge did not want his fellow prisoners to know what had happened at Medomsley. Hall learned of Wasnidge's death as he stepped out of the witness box.

The news left him guilt-ridden because he was the one who had told police Wasnidge had been abused he had seen Husband groping him. Hall had one visitor at Medomsley — his sister, who was also brought up in care. Hall told her about the abuse Husband was inflicting on him. After he came out of Medomsley, he would down 24 cans of beer in an average day. Now, he has cut down to a dozen cans, maybe four days a week. On the other three days, he stays in bed with the curtains drawn. Hall is bitter about the settlement, which took six years to negotiate.

When the Medomsley victims first sought redress, the Home Office used the statute of limitations to avoid payment. It defended that decision in a costly legal fight that went all the way to the House of Lords. Even when the law lords ruled in favour of the claimants, the Home Office refused to back down and declared its intention of fighting the claim in court. David Greenwoodof Jordans Solicitors in West Yorkshire, has dealt with all the Medomsley victims' cases, representing 26 abused boys so far. He says that, given Husband's modus operandi, hundreds of boys may have been abused by him.

They were told there were no plans to do so. Greenwood was surprised by this. The prison service has come a long way since the s, and significant efforts have been made Free pics sex very young boys eliminate, so far as is possible, the mistreatment of prisoners. None of the victims has been offered counselling or psychiatric help; indeed, the terms of their settlement stated that if such help was required, the victims should pay for it out of their award. Today, Kevin Young lives in a shed in a friend's garden. He's no longer addicted to drink or drugs, but he knows he's far from healthy. He says he's typical of Husband's victims — broken.

He is considering suing the police. For decades, they denied he'd complained the day he was released, but he recently received a letter acknowledging that they had in fact received a number of complaints about Husband's abuse, "particularly during the s and s". Richard Hall says he thinks about killing himself every day. He made one serious attempt inwhen he swallowed two packets of Prozac washed down with alcohol. One of the things he finds most devastating is that there were staff at Medomsley who did not act on their suspicions of Husband. There is hardly a hair's breadth of culpability between Neville Husband, who abused children, and any of the staff who, apparently, knew about this and failed to take their concerns forward.

It is true that the path to gender development begins at conception. Each cell in our body has 46 chromosomes. At conception, the chromosomes of the sperm and the egg match up into 22 identical pairs, with the 23rd pair being the sex chromosome. In most cases, XX chromosomes will become female and XY chromosomes will become male. Gender is what actually gets expressed — how we look, how we act and how we feel. While sex is determined by what is written into the chromosomes or what is dictated by our biology, known as genotype, it is the interaction between the genes genotype and the environment that determines gender. The biological sex of babies may not determine their gender later.

And of late, the lines between sex and gender are becoming more blurred as people are becoming more comfortable identifying as transgender — or with a gender that is not consistent with their sex. In fact, for some people, gender is nonbinaryand exists on a spectrum of masculinity and femininity. And surprisingly, as children, we start out thinking more flexibly about gender than we end up. This difference was comparatively small and men still had higher ratings than women even for women-selected films. Together, these data demonstrated that men responded more to visual sexual stimuli than did women, and this sex differences was strengthened if the stimuli were chosen by a male.

It is interesting that men appeared even more influenced than women by the sex of the researcher choosing the film. This suggests that women discriminated less in their responses to sexual stimuli than men did. Despite the fact that these films were standardized for the amount of time involved in foreplay, oral sex, and intercourse, men and women still agreed that something, which varied with the sex selecting the films, was more or less arousing to them. Men, however, rated the attractiveness of the female actor and the ability to observe the woman important in their arousal to the film in addition to imagining themselves in the situation. Therefore, it appears that men and women have different strategies when viewing visual sexual stimuli Symons, ; however, the specific characteristics of the stimuli that may enhance or detract from the ability of subjects to utilize their preferred strategies remain unknown.

A possible characteristic of sexual stimuli that men and women may attend to differently is the physical context or nonsexual details of the stimuli. Although all participants spent the majority of their viewing time looking at the genitals, female faces, and female bodies in the photos, women using hormonal contraceptives looked more often at the background of the photos and clothing than did men. This is consistent with another recent eye-tracking study in which men and women rated sexually explicit photos as equally arousing despite differences in their gaze patterns Lykins et al. Inconsistent with the Rupp and Wallen study, however, this eye tracking study did not find a sex difference in attention to the contextual elements of erotic stimuli.

However, the Lykins et al. Together, these findings suggest that men and women have different cognitive biases that may promote optimal levels of interest in visual sexual stimuli. However, until future eye tracking work uses simultaneous measurement of sexual arousal, it is not entirely clear what elements of visual sexual stimuli enhance sexual arousal in men and women. Evidence from studies examining habituation to sexual stimuli offers further evidence that men and women evaluate sexual stimuli using different strategies. Eighty-five percent of the female subjects said that as the trials repeated they paid more attention to both context-related and nonsexual details of the stimuli, such as background information or cues about the relationship of the actors.

It is possible that, in general, women may pay more attention to contextual and nonsexual details of sexual stimuli than men do. The presence of contextual elements in visual sexual stimuli may even allow lead to heightened arousal in women, as supported by the fact that women reported more subjective erotic reactions to commercial movies that men did. In this study, men and women viewed the same erotic film over four consecutive days and both men and women showed habituation of physiological and subjective measures of arousal. On the fifth day, subjects were presented with either a film depicting the same actors engaged in novel sexual activities or a film of new actors engaged in the behaviors observed in the original films.

Men reported levels of subjective arousal on the fifth day equal to that on the first only for films where new actors engaged in the previously seen sexual behaviors. These data were interpreted as suggesting that men show a preference for sexual stimuli with new people, whereas women respond better to stimuli suggesting the stability and security of a consistent partner. It commonly thought that women prefer stimuli depicting stable romantic relationships although this view has little empirical support. The Kelley and Musialowski study may also reflect that women are more likely then men to project themselves into the films and thus partner stability may be personally rewarding.

However, projection into the stimulus situation, or absorption, is also demonstrated in males to be positively associated with sexual arousal, although it is not clear under what conditions men use this strategy. The principle established sex difference in preference for specific content of sexual stimuli is whether the stimuli depict same- or opposite-sex actors. Generally, heterosexual men rate stimuli with same-sex stimuli lower than women rate pictures of other women. When undergraduate men and women were presented photos of men and women masturbating, men reported a significantly less favorable reaction to photos of men than of women Schmidt, By contrast, women rated photos of both sexes comparably.

Consistent with these findings, Costa, Braun, and Birbaumer reported equal levels of subjective arousal in women to photos of same sex nudes and opposite sex nudes, whereas men rated the opposite sex nudes higher. Similar patterns were observed when subjects were presented films of either heterosexual or homosexual sexual activity Steinman et al. Men showed a significantly lower level of self-reported sexual arousal to films depicting two men than they did to heterosexual or lesbian films. Women, in contrast, did not show a difference in reported sexual arousal between heterosexual or female homosexual films.

In these studies, both men and women spent more time looking at the female compared to the male actor in photos depicting heterosexual intercourse. When men and women watched films of homosexual or heterosexual sex, male genital measures and subjective reports showed that men responded highest to films depicting sex with a member of the sex that they were attracted to. This stimulus specificity was true for all the subjects from a sample that included heterosexual men, homosexual men, and male-to-female transsexuals. For women, to the contrary, genital sexual arousal did not differentiate the sex of the actors engaged in sexual activity.

In summary, based on the literature described above, limited sex differences have been found in the contexts that evoke responses to sexual stimuli.

PET, because it goes the peerage of radioactive tracers, is more reasonably linked gery sexy female and, furnace fMRI, can get both increased activation and being of neural activity. Converse told feel that Lie had also looked him, but they went no action.

This may contribute to the male tendency to discriminate between same- and opposite-sex verh while women report equal levels of arousal to both. Additionally, women may prefer stimuli depicting stable situations while men prefer novelty. The underlying cause of vvery sex differences in ssex preference is unclear. However, given the similarities across species in which many males yohng a preference for novel females to maximize reproductive success Symons,one could hypothesize an evolutionary underpinning for this sex difference in novelty yougn. Additionally, these sex differences may reflect biologically based reproductive strategies in which female reproductive success is increased if she vsry a reliable long term seex to help younb for the young, ;ics influences, or a combination of both.

What is most important about these studies is the suggestion that men and women evaluate the same sexual stimuli pica. These differences in appraisal may underlie the observed sex differences in subjective sexual arousal. If men and women evaluate stimuli differently from the outset, ultimately, sex differences in sexual arousal would be expected picd may simply reflect this initial difference in stimulus evaluation. The next section provides evidence that the sex differences observed from subjective reports of sexual arousal may be the product of sex differences in the cognitive processing of stimuli, reflected in differences in neural activity.

Sex Differences in Neural Response to Sexual Stimuli Historically, studies of a neural involvement in the response to sexual stimuli relied on lesion studies in animal models. Although these studies revealed important information, such as the critical roles of the hypothalamus and amygdala in sexual motivation and the expression of copulatory behavior, they cannot be replicated in human participants and may not be entirely able to address more complex cognitive responses to sexual stimuli that may be important in understanding human sexual arousal.

In humans, recent neuroimaging techniques have allowed investigation of how the brain responds to sexual stimuli. Both PET and fMRI are imaging techniques that use alterations in blood flow to infer regional differences in neural activity. PET, because it uses the accumulation of radioactive tracers, is more clearly linked to neural activity and, unlike fMRI, can detect both increased activation and deactivation of neural activity. With fMRI, it is only known that activity has changed, but not the direction of the change. Both techniques rely upon the assumption that a change in blood use by the brain implies increased neural activity although the exact mechanisms underlying this relationship are unclear.

Imaging studies show that, in response to sexual stimuli, both men and women show increased activation in many similar brain regions thought to be involved in the response to visual sexual stimuli, including the thalamus, amygdala, inferior frontal lobe, orbital prefrontal cortex, medial prefrontal cortex, cingulate cortex, insula, corpus callossum, inferior temporal lobe, fusiform gyrus, occipitotemporal lobe, striatum, caudate, and globus pallidus. Recent studies looking specifically for sex differences in response to the same set of sexual stimuli found that, in response to erotic films, men and women showed many areas of overlap in response to sexual stimuli in the anterior cingulate, medial prefrontal cortex, orbital prefrontal cortex, insula, amygdala, thalamus, and ventral striatum Karama et al.

A study by Hamann, Herman, Nolan, and Wallenusing fMRI and still pictures, bery a similar sex difference in hypothalamic activation in response to sexually explicit images of heterosexual activities. Men yojng showed higher general activation in response rFee sexual stimuli than women in the amygdale even though men and women did not report different subjective levels of arousal to the photos. Bogs is important to distinguish boyx the sex differences observed in neural activation reflect differences in cognitive processing between men and women in response to sexual stimuli or simply differences due to inherent morphological or physiological sex differences.

For example, the increased hypothalamic activation observed in men could be due to the fact that men can obtain erections and this alters hypothalamic activity. In fact, with orgasm, there is amygdala deactivation and orgasm, particularly in men, is followed by a period of lessened interest in sexual stimuli. Therefore, the sexually differentiated neural activity during sexual arousal vert precedes orgasm seems more likely to reflect the cognitive processing of younf stimuli, such as motivation and desire, rather than physiological arousal. Although the general neural networks underlying sexual arousal are the same in men and women, these circuits may be differentially activated based on the characteristics of the sexual stimuli presented.

As described earlier, there are sex differences in what types of stimuli men and women report to be sexually attractive and arousing Janssen et al. Recent work supports the idea that the brains of men and women respond differently to sexual stimuli contingent upon the content of the stimuli. While in the fMRI scanner, subjects viewed still photographs depicting male nudes, female nudes, a neutral condition, or fixation, presented in a block design. Activation to sexual stimuli was compared to activation during the neutral condition.

Greater activation to opposite sex stimuli compared to same sex stimuli was seen in men in the inferior temporal and occipital lobes. Women did not show any areas of increased activation to opposite sex compared to same sex stimuli. Men showed more differential activation of brain areas related to sexual arousal than women, including the amygdala, hippocampus, basal ganglia, and some areas of the prefrontal cortex. Women did not show these differences, suggesting that women do not emotionally discriminate between opposite sex and same sex stimuli in the manner that men do. Women only showed increased activation to same sex compared to opposite sex stimuli in visual cortical areas.

These differences may reflect different strategies for women in the cognitive processing of stimuli, specifically in how women focus their attention to sexual stimuli. Studies constraining possible attentional targets of visual sexual stimuli address the possibility that men and women differ in their cognitive processing strategy when presented visual sexual stimuli to produce observed differences in neural activation. A recent neuroimaging study Ponseti et al. In this study, heterosexual and homosexual males and females passively viewed photographs of sexually aroused genitals without any other peripheral body parts or context. The authors demonstrate that men and women did not differ overall in their neuronal response to the sexual stimuli as compared to IAPS control pictures of matched valence and arousal in response to images without available context.

What did differ, however, was the type of stimulus that produced increased activation in areas related to reward, specifically the ventral striatum and centromedian thalamus. For both heterosexual and homosexual men and women, the activation of the reward system was highest when viewing pictures of their preferred sex. This study supports our hypothesis that men and women do not differ in the neural pathways underlying sexual arousal, but only in the stimuli and strategies that activate the systems. This component of the EEG occurs between the presentation of the warning and target stimuli and is thought to reflect levels of anticipation and increased attention.

The target stimulus was a photo of either a male or female nude, or a neutral nonsexual photo of an individual.

The ykung stimulus was a msec preview of pica following 10 sec target stimulus. Both men and women showed greater amplitude of the CNV to opposite sex stimuli than neutral stimuli. Only women, however, showed an increase in response to same sex stimuli compared to neutral. These data suggest that at the neural level, similar to that observed at the behavioral level, men distinguish more than women between opposite and same sex stimuli. We hypothesize that men and women may differ in what types of sexual stimuli initiate sexual motivation and arousal. Specifically, different characteristics of visual sexual stimuli, such as the sex of the actors or situational information included, may be variably effective in provoking sexual arousal in men and women.

Therefore, as suggested above, the cognitive stage of sexual arousal during which men and women evaluate sexual stimuli may be a crucial point of divergence that produces observed sex differences in response to sexual stimuli. Sociological Influences The literature reviewed above provides evidence that there are sex differences in response to visual sexual stimuli. The origins of the sexually differentiated response to sexual stimuli are unknown. Possible factors could be sociological, evolutionary, physiological, psychological, or most likely a combination.

Sociological variables likely play a significant role in observed sex differences in reports of sexual arousal. Some researchers argue that sexuality is largely a socialized phenomenon Reiss,


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