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Christianity in Asia




Christianith Filipino missionaries included the Navarrese St. The Interesting of Caucasian Albania was very inafter Chinese Albania located in what is now Split became a Christian undesignated.


It became the state religion of Kartli, Iberia the area of Georgia's capital in The conversion of Georgia to Christianity is credited to the efforts of Saint Aeian of Fce — Christianity in Iran Christianity further spread eastward under the Parthian Empirewhich displayed a high tolerance of religious matters. The spread of the Jews in Asia since the deportation from Babylon and the capture of Jerusalem by Titus also seems to have been a contributing factor. Further persecutions seem to have taken place under Shapur II and Yazdegerd IIwith events in having brought significant damage to the faith. According to the Acts, Thomas was at first reluctant to accept this mission, but the Lord appeared to him in a night vision and compelled him to accompany an Indian merchant, Abbanes or Habbanto his native place in northwest India.

The Apostle's ministry resulted in many conversions throughout the kingdom, including the king and his brother. From there he preached the gospel throughout the Malabar Coast. The various Churches he founded were located mainly on the Periyar River and its tributaries and along the coast, where there were Jewish colonies.

He preached to all classes fhristianity people and had about converts, including members of the four principal castes. Later, stone crosses were erected at the places where churches were founded, and they became pilgrimage centres. In accordance with apostolic custom, Thomas ordained teachers and leaders or elders, who were reported to be the earliest ministry of the Malabar church. Thomas next proceeded overland to the Coromandel Coast in southeastern India, and ministered in what is now the Madras area, where a local King and many people were converted. One tradition related that he went from there to China via Malacca in Malaysia, and after spending some time there, returned to the Madras area.

Opposition demolished to the Christians in Asiann the Years, and then from the Daoists inbut Disrespect estimated to thrive, and ina meat stele the Nestorian Legit was erected at the Single capital of Chang-anwhich showed mountains of Emperor-supported Norman history in China. The bolivia was very sad in India.

So according to the Syriac version of the Acts of Thomas, Mazdai, the local king at Mylaporeafter questioning the Apostle condemned him to death about the year AD Anxious to facce popular excitement, the King ordered Thomas conducted to a nearby mountain, where, after being allowed fae pray, he was then stoned and stabbed to death with christoanity lance wielded by an angry Brahmin. Nestorianism In the Sassanid emperor summoned the Persian church leaders to the Synod of Seleucia. His purpose was to make the Catholicos of Seleucia-Ctesiphon the minority leader of the Christians in the Vhristianity, and personally responsible for their good conduct throughout the Persian Asian christianity face.

The synod accepted the emperor's wish. In the bishops of Persia met in council under the leadership of Catholicos Dadiso and determined that there would be no reference of their disciplinary or theological problems to any other power, especially not to any church council in the Roman Empire. The formal separation from the See of Antioch and the western Syrian Church under the Roman Byzantine Emperors, occurred at this synod in Nestorianism[ edit ] The eastern development of Christianity continued to separate from the west, pushed along by such events as 's Council of Ephesusin which the Syrian bishop NestoriusPatriarch of Constantinople sincewas accused of heresy for preaching his brand of Christianity, labelled Nestorianism after him.

He and his followers were banished from the Byzantine Empire, and other religious and political institutions gave him sanctuary. Eastern Christianity seceded to form what is sometimes called the Church of the Eastor Syro-Oriental Church, [13] though some historians refer to it with the catchall term Nestorian Churcheven though many Eastern Christians were not following the doctrine preached by Nestorius. Expansion to Sogdiana and eastern Central Asia[ edit ] Proselytism, combined with sporadic Sassanian persecutions and the exiling of Christian communities in their own area, caused the spread of Christianity to the east.

After the Emperor Constantine's conversion to Christianity, the indigenous Christians of Persia were considered a political threat to the Sassanians. They exiled Christian communities to the east, such as a community of Orthodox Melchites who were installed in Romagyri near Tashkentor a community of Jacobiteswho were sent to Yarkand in the Xinjiang at the doorstep of China.

Relations with Islam were good enough for the Catholicos to leave Seleucia-Ctesiphon to set up his seat in Baghdad chtistianity the establishment of the Abbassids in From the 7th century onward, the nomadic Turks of Christianihy Asia started to convert to Nestorian Christianity. A great number were baptized at the request of the Georgian king David Christiqnity. Fromthere was a Kipchak national Christian church and an influential clergy. Opposition arose to the Christians in from the Buddhists, and then from the Daoists inbut Christianity continued to thrive, and ina stone stele the Nestorian Stele was erected at the Tang capital of Chang-anwhich recorded years of Emperor-supported Christian curistianity in China.

The text of the stele describes flourishing communities of Christians throughout China, but beyond this and few other fragmentary records, relatively little is known of their history. In later years, other emperors were not as religiously tolerant. Inthe Chinese authorities implemented an interdiction of foreign cults, and Christianity diminished in China until the time of the Mongol Empire in the 13th century. Christianity among the Mongols Overall, Mongols were highly tolerant of most religions, and typically sponsored several at the same time. They had been proselytized by Nestorian Christians since about the 7th century, [21] and several Mongol tribes, such as the Kerait[22] NaimansMerkitand to a large extent the Kara Khitan who practiced it side-by-side with Buddhism[23] were also Christian.

She made no secret of her dislike of Islam and her eagerness to help Christians of every sect. This was not followed in deeds however, as the local clergy and populace was strongly opposed to such a union. The Franciscans were put in charge of these missions. Another such monk was the historian Nerses Balientswho was a member of the "Unitarian" movement advocating unification with the Latin Church. The objective was to drive a wedge between the pope and supporters of the Latin Empire, who had views on reconquering Constantinople. A tenuous union between the Greek and Latin churches was signed at the Second Council of Lyons in Michael VIII's concession was met with determined opposition at home, and prisons filled with many opponents to the union.

Christianity face Asian

Initial contacts showed that the Mongols had the impression that the Pope was the leader of the Europeans, and sent him messages insisting that he submit Europe to Mongol authority. In return, the Mongols stated that after they conquered Jerusalemthey would return it to the Crusaders. The various popes, for their part, seemed to be unaware that Christianity already existed in the East, and tended to respond with messages insisting that the Mongols convert to Christianity and accept baptism. Later communications between the Mongols and Europe saw attempts to form a Franco-Mongol alliance against the Muslims. InMarco Polo 's father and uncle returned from China with an invitation from Kublai Khan to the pope, imploring him that a hundred teachers of science and religion be sent to reinforce the Christianity already present in Kublai's empire.

However, this came to naught due to the hostility of influential Nestorian Christians within the largely Mongol court. Although Kublai had already died by the time John arrived inthe court at Khanbaliq received him graciously and encouraged him to settle there. Afterwhen the Jesuits were able to establish a base in Macao, similar patterns emerged in China, where the literati class often acted as intermediaries. A major proponent of the Jesuit strategy of accommodation was Alessandro Valignano —who arrived in China in as Visitor, charged with the task of examining mission structures and strategies. By the s, five Catholic orders had been established in the Philippines, but in developing linguistic skills they took care to introduce terms such as Dios, Espiritu Santo, and Virgen rather than attempting to find local equivalents.

At the end of the 16th century, hopes for the future of the Catholic missions in Asia Asian christianity face high. While he was never granted an audience with the emperor, collaboration with the eminent Ming scholar and official, Xu Guangqi —baptized inenabled Ricci to Asian christianity face Christianity with science and technology as evidence of the high level of European civilization. From bases in Goa and Melaka, Portuguese Dominicans reached eastern Indonesia, and inAlexandre de Rhodes — arrived in Vietnam as the first Jesuit missionary.

Several reasons came into play. In the first instance, Christians themselves were divided as national rivalries heightened theological divisions. Founded inthe Dutch East India Company VOC directed its attention toward eliminating its Iberian competitors, taking Melaka inmounting a series of attacks on Spanish Manila, and capturing Colombo in Like their English counterparts, the Dutch were primarily interested in trade and had little interest in evangelism. Catholic priests were expelled from areas under VOC control and any involvement with Catholicism could be severely punished.

Though ultimately ineffective, the draconian Dutch measures, especially in Ceylon, attest to the extent to which Asia had become a Christian battleground. Intended to combat the religious domination of the Portuguese in Asia, it was to be under direct Papal control and would be particularly concerned with educating, training, and ordaining native clergy. Evidence of this new determination was the papal appointment of an Indian Brahman, Bishop Mateus de Castro c. Predictably, MEP priests encountered extreme hostility from Portuguese and Spanish authorities, both clerical and secular, and there were even cases of arrest and incarceration.

Nonetheless, though strikingly unsuccessful in the Buddhist countries of mainland Southeast Asia, the MEP was able to put a French stamp on Catholicism in Vietnam despite implacable opposition from the Jesuits. In both China and Vietnam, the suspicion that Christianity was involved in a conspiracy to overturn the state led to periodic eviction of missionaries, but the greatest blow came with their expulsion from Japan. From there had been recurring episodes of simmering anti-Christian feeling, but the full force of official denunciation came a generation later when churches were closed, missionaries deported, and Christians denounced and persecuted.

Bythe country had been barred to Europeans, apart from representatives of the VOC. The martyrdom of Japanese Catholics perhaps as many as 6, entered Church chronicles as an example of spiritual commitment and exemplary Christianity. The Challenge to Localization Arguably the greatest issue facing the Christianization project was the controversy swirling around the acceptability of localization and adjustments to Asian cultures. Should missionaries live like local people, or should their dress and appearance distinguish them as Christians? Among the Catholics the Jesuits were the most accommodating, but debates became heated when some priests were thought to overstep the line.

In India, even fellow Jesuits criticized the Italian Roberto de Nobili —who mastered Sanskrit, Tamil, and Telugu and emulated the austere lifestyle of a Hindu mendicant because he believed this would attract high-caste converts. More contentious than priestly lifestyle, however, was the extent to which local converts should be permitted to retain pre-Christian practices. The Jesuits generally supported accommodation, but the mendicant orders and the MEP priests, while recognizing the need to acquire language skills, doubted the wisdom of allowing Chinese culture to shape the presentation of Christian beliefs. Missionaries certainly acknowledged that compromise could be effective, and despite disapproval of Jesuit practices, Franciscans and Dominicans followed their example in adopting Chinese dress, while MEP missionaries in Siam wore Buddhist robes.

Nonetheless, the door to the policy of accommodation was eventually closed. They should now cut their hair in accordance with guidelines outlined by the Council of Trent and wear a black cassock and overcoat of common locally produced silk. In order to avoid defiling higher castes, some missionaries were assigned to minister only to low-status converts, effectively creating a two-tier church. It is hardly surprising that an unknown number of Christians returned to Hinduism. Certainly one can identify a number of prominent converts, such as the first Chinese bishop, Luo Wenzao c.

After he returned to Korea, he and his colleagues embarked on a campaign of proselytizing. By the end of the 18th century, there were an estimated 4, Korean converts who, in the absence of an ordained priest, often baptized themselves. Catholicism was banned, and punishment for defiance was extreme. Inseveral hundred individuals, including Yi Sunghan, were ritually executed, but darker days still lay ahead. The Korean experience is instructive because of the missionizing role of local leaders and the refusal of converts to abandon their faith, even in the face of relentless persecution. Historical sources for this period, however, tell us little about motivations or the nature of Christian belief, especially among ordinary people.

This lacuna in documentation is probably the most frustrating issue for historians of Christianity in Asia because it was at lower socioeconomic levels that the localization process was most pronounced, despite the efforts by clerics to secure the boundaries of acceptable practice. Whether it concerned the power associated with specific images of the Madonna, the popularity of certain saints, or the belief that dust swept up from the steps of a Protestant pulpit would have curative powers, believers infused Christian praxis with meanings that resonated with their own cultures. As one might expect, localization was most noticeable in isolated areas where regular missionary contact was limited or absent, such as the pockets of local Christians in Myanmar who were descended from Portuguese prisoners.

Against this background, the Philippines provides a telling commentary on the successes and failures of the Christianizing project. On the one hand, Spanish control, clerical oversight, and church-run schools had helped to spread Catholicism over the entire archipelago except for the mountainous interior of northern Luzon and the Muslim south. On the other, Filipinos had themselves translated Christianity into their own cultural idiom. More particularly, Filipinos were themselves able to make a distinction between Christian teachings and Church practices, increasingly marked by clerical abuses such as the usurpation of common land and onerous demands for gifts and labor.

Communities of devout lay Filipino women were founded but these beatas blessed women were similarly excluded from full ordination as nuns. Ironically, the education that the Church provided was a significant element in feeding this resentment. The Spanish were well established in the Philippines, and the Portuguese claimed Goa, Macao, and the eastern half of Timor, but from the s the involvement of other Western powers in South and Southeast Asia progressively deepened. In West Asia, British concern to protect the Suez Canal led to the occupation of Egypt and contributed to increased rivalry with Tsarist Russia, which was attempting to extend its influence into Afghanistan and Central Asia see figure 1.

The 19th century therefore saw the proliferation of new missionary initiatives, including those sponsored by the Protestant London Missionary Societythe British and Foreign Bible Societythe Dutch Nederlands Zendelinggenootschapand the American Baptists, which in turn stimulated missionary efforts by the Catholic orders. But perceptions of prospective converts differed; in Southeast Asia, for instance, the British and Dutch forbade proselytization among Muslims, whereas in West Asia Western missionaries initially targeted Islamic communities. A distinct lack of success meant they eventually turned their attention to reforming the eastern churches, often seen as practicing a degenerate form of Christianity.

The Russian Orthodox Church shared this view and evangelizing efforts in Persia specifically sought out members of the Church of the East, thousands of whom entered the Orthodox fold. Yet for most missionaries, the great Asian prize was still China, and until the opening of the treaty ports inthe overseas Chinese populations of Batavia, Melaka, and Singapore became the training ground for prospective Protestant missionaries. Here they hoped to acquire linguistic expertise while converting young Chinese, who would translate religious material and themselves become clergy, teachers, and social reformers.

Click to view larger Figure 5. European colonization of Southeast Asia. Because it proceeded in tandem with an aggressive Western pursuit of economic goals, this reenergized missionary effort injected new tensions into long-standing debates about cultural accommodation. Some Asian communities could claim a Christian heritage that stretched back for several generations, and during the 19th century, there are numerous examples of local resistance to the racial discrimination that asserted the superiority of European-style belief.


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